William Jennings Brya Essay

John Jennings Bryan

John Jennings Bryan, a Nebraska congressman and three-time Democratic presidential candidate, was born on March 19, 1860. He subsequently served as secretary of state. Because of his commanding and deep voice, he is one of the most popular and well-liked lecturers in American history. Bryan was one of the most significant figures in the Populism movement in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. He was an advocate for peace and democracy, a critic of banks and roads, a devout Presbyterian, and a backer of prohibition. Because of his belief in the kindness and righteousness of the average person, Bryan earned the moniker "The Great Commoner." Democrats were urged by him to embrace populist ideals. In this essay, the principle ideas and attitudes which were held by Bryan and his followers mainly on religion, democracy, foreign relations and the economy.

Religious Influence on Bryan's Political Life

The success and victory that Bryan enjoyed politically was because religious language was fundamental to him. While he was not able to succeed in the presidency after trying it thrice, it was clear that he incorporated religious ideas originally to the Democrats before creating awareness to majority of the American citizens. In his political life, it was clear that Bryan was more than a believer. He took very serious the authority demonstrated by pictures such as Cross of Gold. The efficiency he had as a recurring presidential candidate was due to numerous factors one being the religious visions which were sincere and infused in his political life. However, while Bryan was a devoted Christian, he ascended to the national platform not because of the religious visions but on a populist platform. According to Kazin, Christian viewpoints enlightened the political visions that Bryan had. Bryan's religious beliefs could also have highly influenced his antiwar position when he was appointed Secretary of State. In his book, Kazin writes, "Never before had he made a religious question a political priority. But World War I shredded the ideal of peaceful progress and brotherhood, giving materialist doctrines such as Marxism and Darwinism the benefit of the doubt when it came to explaining why warfare intensified and inequality endured" (p. 264).

Bryan's Democratic Ideals

The reformist and pacifist illusions that Bryan was said to advance were not based on capitalism contradictions, but the notions of wanting to draw on Christian morality. Kazin notes that Bryan pushed for peaceful reforms but when this was near impossible he started attacking science as he blamed the war outbreak on the declining religious faith among the people. Through the Presbyterian Church, Bryan took the leadership position of forces which were opposing the 'modernizers' that wanted to have the church doctrine reconciled with science teachings. Due to his firm religious beliefs he became part of the social development. Bryans Christianity beliefs would go on to form his political beliefs and this made millions of the ordinary American people mainly Protestants who resisted having religion and politics mix, consider him as the spokesman of their Savior on earth ending up to establish their religion and morality into politics.

Bryan's Belief in Democracy

Bryan believed that the world would compose of democracy that was protected. Kazin states that Bryan had a belief that democracy meant regulation of the people, a theory based on the human brotherhood principle, living for a reason and protecting of the human rights. This was one of the most repetitive ideas that Bryan can be identified with during his life in professional politics. Kazin writes, "This is your country. Don't let the big men take it away from you (Chpt. 5)." This is a quote characterizing the people’s spirit and their persuaders. Bryan's assumption on political history was that it consisted of the clash between an elitist minority and the people. The Elitist minority would use coercion and fear to rule. Bryan believed that a lone government that had the ability of defending its people is where majority ruled. In this case, if the majority would make an honest mistake, corrections would be made, however, decreed repressive decisions made by the elitist would not be reversed. The American freedom was weakened during the 19th century by aptitude capitalists who managed economics and politics. Capitalists abused the working class by employing their affluence to have a control over the political parties. Bryan believed that the Republican Party had already gained too much control from the capitalist and the Democratic Party was merely the viable option to have the interests of common people defended. Between 1894 and 1912, Bryan embarked on a national scheme with likeminded democrats to have the Democratic Party defend its people. When he was nominated to be the presidential candidate during the 1896 Democratic convention, Kazin writes, "But the platform officially declared that Democrats were in favor of beginning to redistribute wealth and power in America. In rhetoric at least, the party has never gone back (p. 55)."

Economic Outlook

Economic wise, Bryan appealed to the farmer and labor. During his entry into politics in 1890, there was a rise in agrarian radicalism as well as a terrible farm crisis. The prices of corn in Nebraska fell to low levels that it became cheap to burn corn than coal. In his book, Kazin writes, Bryan tried to make himself the symbolic leader of the prairie insurgency. Alongside attacks on the tariff, his congressional platform thundered with calls to 'suppress' the trusts, to aid debtors by coining silver 'on equal terms' with gold, and to ban land speculation by 'non-resident aliens'—all demands he shared with the agrarian rebels" (p. 26). In 1892, Bryan adapted himself to the farmer's movement as Kazin notes, "Bryan ran, in all but name, as a Populist (p. 36)." At the same time factory workers faced dire conditions as famine increased. Bryan became much associated with fighting for the needs and rights of farmers and laborers. He made it his business during his political career to achieve economic equality among all people. This made him appeal to the working class than any other group in the United States. Kazin writes, "Time and again, secular reformers defeat themselves by assuming...that they can appeal solely to the economic self-interest of working-class Americans and ignore moral issues grounded in religious conviction" (p. 303). However, for Bryan, Farmers saw him as a fighter of depreciation and debt and a defender of agrarian virtues. On the other hand, the laborers saw him as a promoter of the economy and employment.

Foreign Policy

In matters to do with foreign policy, Bryan had little experience even notwithstanding the fact that he was serving as Secretary of State. In spite of this, Bryan was very keen when addressing international questions and though he struggled to master foreign policy he conveyed more energy and dedication than insight. Bryan was determined to have his foreign policy tenure on moral principles instead of the selfish materialism that he believed was exercised in the programs of his predecessors. Bryan was convinced that the world was becoming a more democratic place and he was eager to encourage it and in 1916 he was involved in promising Philippine Islands their independence. In the following year, Puerto Rico was granted a territorial status which made its people become United States citizens under his watch. When he took office, Bryan gave a statement declaring that his hope was that American would deserve confidence and cultivate the friendship of Latin American states. During his time as Secretary of State, President Wilson called for military action one, in Haiti as a way of restoring order and creating democratic states. In his tenure as the Secretary of State, bilateral treaties were signed as a way of trying to avert the war. Bryan supported a policy that would have American interests protected. During World War one, he routed for the United States to act as an arbitrator for the conflicting sides. However, the president failed to obey his advice and tabled his resignation in 1915 June. Bryan did not want the American government interfere with other countries foreign affairs. He became a harsh critic of America's foreign policies that he felt undermined democratic principles of sovereign nations.

Modern Comparison

In conclusion, if Bryan were alive today, he would be more than satisfied to support the Trump phenomenon. Both men could have much in common. What Trump stands for has much similarity with what Bryan adopted during 1896 elections (Tim). The central message between these men is that the common or little man has been assaulted by the political elite and a savior has arrived to give power back to the people. In this day, the serving elite was Hillary Clinton and during Bryan's day it was William McKinley. Just like Trump, Bryan had promised to make American great again. Moreover, just like Bryan, Trump was a newcomer to national politics (Tim). Hypothetically, if Bryan was alive today, he would have been a very happy man to know Trump is the President of the United States and he will make America great again.

Works Cited

Tim, Reuter. "Before Donald Trump, There Was William Jennings Bryan." 20 June 2016. Forbes Magazine. 31 January 2017.

Kazin, Michael. A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. Knopf. February 7, 2006.